Hillary Purcell, Mariemont High School, Cincinnati, OH, USA
Anthem is a heroic and inspiring story about the triumph of the individual’s independent spirit. Even though, at the end of the novel, Equality is greatly outnumbered, and modern society lies in ruins, it is a story of liberation and hope—not despair. Discuss.
All of us want to make the world a better place for future generations. Unfortunately, despite one’s best efforts, decisions are sometimes made that will ultimately be detrimental to the world and its inhabitants. Ayn Rand’s novel Anthem certainly depicts the world of the future as a bleak one, filled with warped collectivism and the loss of individuality. However, all hope is not lost for this civilization. Rand’s novel is a story of liberation, not despair, because by the end of the novel, possibilities for the return to a more free society have been created by one man determined to give his descendants a fighting chance. Perhaps the most reassuring fact is that there are still people who have not been conquered by the repressive government; people willing to fight for their individuality. In addition, Equality 7-2521 rediscovers electricity, an important step in building a more modern world. Finally, Equality 7-2521 has formulated plans for the future that, if carried out, would found a group of people dedicated to working toward a more free world. Each of these aspects of the novel exhibits hope for the future of society, even in the most dismal of times.
Equality 7-2521, although he lives in the extremely repressive City, refuses let go of his sense of individuality, and he’s not the only one. Rand provides several characters that have not yet been broken by the oppressive regime of the future. One example is a fellow street sweeper, Fraternity 2-5503, a “…quiet boy with wise, kind eyes, who cry suddenly, without reason, in the midst of the day or night, and their body shakes with sobs they cannot explain”(Rand 48). Another of Equality 7-2521’s peers is Solidarity 9-6347, who is described as “… a bright youth, without fear in the day; but they scream in their sleep, and they scream: ‘Help us! Help us! Help us!’”(Rand 48). Clearly neither of these boys has accepted the system of collectivism which robs them of their sense of self. Equality 7-2521’s best friend, International 4-8818, is a vibrant young man with a passion for art that the Home of the Students was unable to smother. Finally, Liberty 5-3000, Equality 7-2521’s love interest, is intelligent and strong; the narrator describes her eyes as “…dark and hard a glowing, with no fear in them, no kindness, and no guilt”(Rand 38). Throughout the novel, Rand provides many examples of people who remain unconquered by collectivism, and for whom there is hope of realizing individual freedom.
Another aspect of Anthem that inspires hope in the reader is the discovery of electricity by Equality 7-2521. This is a step toward a more technologically advanced society, and it also shows that the ideas and accomplishments of previous generations have not been lost for good. The narrator is amazed when he first discovers an abandoned tunnel, and believes that, “No men known to us could have built this place, nor the men known to our bothers who lived before us…”(Rand 30). Soon, however, Equality 7-2521 learns to use the tunnel to pursue his passion of understanding how the world works. Finally, after two years of studying, the protagonist builds “…a glass box, devised to give forth the power of the sky of greater strength than we had ever achieved before”(Rand 63). By uncovering one of the technologies of our time, which had been lost, Equality 7-2521 realizes that he “…can give our brothers a new light, cleaner and brighter than any they have ever known”(Rand 64). This discovery shows progress toward a more advanced world, and it gives one hope that the world may be able to return to the days in which people possessed independent spirits.
Lastly, the end of the novel provides a hopeful outlook for the future of the characters and the world; the protagonist and Liberty 5-3000 have escaped from the city and are making plans to start a group of people educated in the more individual-centered way of thinking. Equality 7-2521 has found a house containing “…a room with walls made of shelves, which held rows of manuscripts, from the floor to the ceiling”(Rand 104). By reading these books, the narrator rediscovers the word “I” and the concept of the individual being separate from the masses. In addition, Liberty 5-3000 is pregnant, and Equality 7-2521 vows that his son “…will be taught to say ‘I’ and to bear the pride of it. He will be taught to walk straight and on his own feet. He will be taught reverence for his own spirit”(Rand 117). Not only does Equality 7-2521 save his own family from the oppressive City; he wants to rescue others from it as well. He decides that one day he will return to the City and “…call to [him] all the men and the women whose spirit has not yet been killed within them and who suffer under the yoke of their brothers”(Rand 118). Together with his chosen associates, Equality 7-2521 intends to continue learning and “…write the first chapter in the new history of man”(Rand 118). These provisions for the future provide one with hope for a society that will eventually be liberated from collectivism.
Although it certainly takes place during a very dark time for humanity, Ayn Rand’s novel Anthem is a story of hope for a better future; through hard work and determination, Equality 7-2521 is able to ensure that his family will have a chance at freedom and individuality. We see the indomitable nature of the independent spirit in the fact that there are still those who refuse to be conquered by repression. Equality 7-2521’s discovery of electricity also shows that technological improvements can still be made, and the knowledge of previous generations is not completely lost to those willing to look for it. Finally, the future for Equality 7-2521 looks brighter once he is able to break free from the oppressive city and establish a place of learning and technology. Each of these examples shows that, if one is willing to work hard, one can, like Equality 7-2521, leave the world a little better than it was when one entered it, and provide lasting hope for the betterment of generations to come.
20100213
20100212
Waiting to exhale: Filipino nationalism in the age of globalization
by: Leah Victoria T. Carada
At the end of the Cold War, a new phenomenon arose characterized by massive intensification of economic, political, social and cultural linkages across borders and continents. People call it many different names to the confusion of the common men and women. Some spoke of liberalization, while others started a discourse on internationalization-all these refer to rapid and large-scale changes in global trends that have significantly altered traditional views, standards and even practices. The good news is that somebody has finally coined a term to describe this phenomenon. The bad news is, up to this day, many still remain unable to understand it, much less cope with it. But whether we like it or not, the advent of globalization has come.
Globalization, they say, has eroded many of the significant foundations of what were then popularly known as the nation-states. The term nation-state means a state whose inhabitants consider themselves to be a nation, geographically and legally bounded under one legitimate government; the population of which submits to a subjective perception of belonging to the same historical, linguistic, racial or any other common relationships. Over the last decades, many of these nation-states have experienced serious inability to cope with global problems that require global solutions. A case in point is terrorism where states are opting to ally with other states in the international community if only to respond to the terrorist threat within their own borders. Some states have even practically surrendered their sovereignty to those who have the might to melt away terrorism.
Kenichi Ohmae, author of The End of the Nation State, also opines that the need for a nation-state has largely waned as the information age revolutionized business and international politics. His provocative thesis draws logic from the observation that the Cold War is over and that the financial flows around the world are no longer controlled by governments.
Christopher Cocker of the London School of Economics, however, aptly argues that globalization can only go as far as challenging institutions such as the state, but it cannot cause the latter to dissolve. This essay takes the same line of argument, postulating that states remain relevant and nationalism is still very much alive in the age of globalization.
The view that predicts the irrelevance of the nation-state in the era of globalization clearly drives a point. But it overlooks the fact that the nation-state may well be needed as we seek to mitigate the ills of globalization. This means that nation-states can always find a role even in a highly interdependent and virtually borderless world.
As globalization moves forward, its agents will gradually realize that it cannot afford to take on some of the problems it has created along the way. Globalization will certainly find benefit from states that can efficiently deal with the disturbances that magnify globalization's own waterloos. As former Philippine President Fidel V. Ramos puts it, "no authority can deal with the harmful impact of the spread of market values-the breaking up of families, destruction of traditional cultures, and provocation of the rise of radical and fanatic localisms-than the state." When things go sour in a highly globalized system, the world will still turn to states that have the sovereign right to regulate money flows, control the movement of people across national frontiers, and regulate people's activities within their areas of responsibility. In other words, cooperation among like-minded states remains to be the best line of defense against the c!
ritical offenses of globalization.
Amid all the changes created by globalization, therefore, nationalism will always find a way to manifest itself. It is likely to adapt to the age of globalization by reinventing itself, perhaps by cultivating a larger sense of national self-interest, or by any other fashion so long as it finds a way to cope. The persistence of nationalism, for instance, may well emerge out of massive perception of inequality as a result of the visibly widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. These perceptions can be easily fueled by what the disadvantaged sectors hear, see or read from a host of sources. The alienating forces of the global market could prick a nerve and suddenly awaken nationalist sentiments that might be difficult to contain without the moderation of states.
In the Philippines today, it cannot be denied that nationalism remains very much ingrained in the nation's fertile soil. The expulsion of thousands of Filipinos from Malaysia and the alleged harsh treatment of Filipinos in Sabah threaten to engulf the whole nation anew with a nationalist fury that could result in a major conflict between Malaysia and the Philippines, if left unabated. As the national media continues to highlight the issue, the state-in this case the Philippine government-is torn between appeasing its own people on the one hand, and managing its relations with its neighbor on the other. Regardless of how the situation will unfold hereafter, it is at least clear that nationalism is still very much alive and that nation-states remain relevant in the age of globalization.
At any rate, the situation confronting both the Philippines and Malaysia is but an indication of the downside of globalization. As globalization encourages and allows greater movement of people, the problem of displacement will always be there. Given the difficult economic situation in the Philippines, it is only understandable that the Philippine government is left without much choice but to protect its roughly 8 million nationals in different parts of the world. Away from their families, these Filipinos often seek refuge in Philippine embassies and consulates in case of emergencies abroad, again a manifestation of the people's continued recognition of the role of the state. After all, without the state, whom else could they turn to?
It is also interesting to note how the Filipino nation seeks to oppose forces of globalization that attempt to transcend the power of the state in responding to security threats. While certain sectors of the population might be willing to open Philippine territories to foreign troops, the bigger part of the population is there to caution the liberals, forcing the state to set limits to the movements and operations of non-Filipino troops within the country. This was practically why the Philippine government had to handle carefully the conduct of Balikatan Exercises in the country between Philippine and American troops recently. The state was clearly aware of the possible repercussions of allowing greater foreign intervention to unfold in a territory over which the Filipino nation maintains domestic jurisdiction and exercises sovereignty.
In the multilateral arena, Philippine nationalism exudes with its utmost intent to protect its national interest. Left with little voice and power to advance its own position, the Philippines gathers added strength from its neighbors and allies abroad if only to defend its own interest in various concerns. The country's membership in ASEAN, APEC, and the United Nations, among others, is but a result of the Philippines' nationalistic tendency that regards frameworks of integration as a means to pool and increase its own national strength abroad.
Ultimately, however, it is in the Filipino people where one can see the magnitude of the nation's sense of nationalism. Unfortunately, a controversial survey conducted by Pulse Asia Inc. recently showed that "one of every five Filipinos wants to leave the country for good and live in another country due to feeling of despair." Analysts say that "the situation is alarming because many of those who are leaving and those who want to leave the country now come from the upper and middle classes-educated, trained and financially able." This goes beyond the usual findings where many of those who want to leave the Philippines come from the vulnerable class of the society.
The Social Weather Stations Inc., on the other hand, argued that the question in the survey was double-barreled, as it posed queries that are inclined to cause ambiguity in interpretation. With a statement that says "There is no hope for the country. If possible, I would migrate to another country," one might be agreeing or disagreeing to either of the statements but not necessarily to both.
Whatever is the case, it can always be argued that such findings cannot measure the depth of the Filipinos' sense of nationalism. One's wanting to migrate does not equate with one's surrender of nationalism. Consider that many of the Filipinos overseas still strongly identify themselves with the Filipino nation. Filipino communities in different parts of the world watch closely the events in the country, at times even seeking to take part in some national endeavors in spite of their physical isolation. Their clamor for the immediate passage of the Absentee Voting Law illustrates the point clearly.
In closing, the Filipino nation is faced with the difficult task of breathing normally in the age of globalization. The challenge is for us to redefine Filipino nationalism in a way that will not fight, but manage globalization.
At the end of the Cold War, a new phenomenon arose characterized by massive intensification of economic, political, social and cultural linkages across borders and continents. People call it many different names to the confusion of the common men and women. Some spoke of liberalization, while others started a discourse on internationalization-all these refer to rapid and large-scale changes in global trends that have significantly altered traditional views, standards and even practices. The good news is that somebody has finally coined a term to describe this phenomenon. The bad news is, up to this day, many still remain unable to understand it, much less cope with it. But whether we like it or not, the advent of globalization has come.
Globalization, they say, has eroded many of the significant foundations of what were then popularly known as the nation-states. The term nation-state means a state whose inhabitants consider themselves to be a nation, geographically and legally bounded under one legitimate government; the population of which submits to a subjective perception of belonging to the same historical, linguistic, racial or any other common relationships. Over the last decades, many of these nation-states have experienced serious inability to cope with global problems that require global solutions. A case in point is terrorism where states are opting to ally with other states in the international community if only to respond to the terrorist threat within their own borders. Some states have even practically surrendered their sovereignty to those who have the might to melt away terrorism.
Kenichi Ohmae, author of The End of the Nation State, also opines that the need for a nation-state has largely waned as the information age revolutionized business and international politics. His provocative thesis draws logic from the observation that the Cold War is over and that the financial flows around the world are no longer controlled by governments.
Christopher Cocker of the London School of Economics, however, aptly argues that globalization can only go as far as challenging institutions such as the state, but it cannot cause the latter to dissolve. This essay takes the same line of argument, postulating that states remain relevant and nationalism is still very much alive in the age of globalization.
The view that predicts the irrelevance of the nation-state in the era of globalization clearly drives a point. But it overlooks the fact that the nation-state may well be needed as we seek to mitigate the ills of globalization. This means that nation-states can always find a role even in a highly interdependent and virtually borderless world.
As globalization moves forward, its agents will gradually realize that it cannot afford to take on some of the problems it has created along the way. Globalization will certainly find benefit from states that can efficiently deal with the disturbances that magnify globalization's own waterloos. As former Philippine President Fidel V. Ramos puts it, "no authority can deal with the harmful impact of the spread of market values-the breaking up of families, destruction of traditional cultures, and provocation of the rise of radical and fanatic localisms-than the state." When things go sour in a highly globalized system, the world will still turn to states that have the sovereign right to regulate money flows, control the movement of people across national frontiers, and regulate people's activities within their areas of responsibility. In other words, cooperation among like-minded states remains to be the best line of defense against the c!
ritical offenses of globalization.
Amid all the changes created by globalization, therefore, nationalism will always find a way to manifest itself. It is likely to adapt to the age of globalization by reinventing itself, perhaps by cultivating a larger sense of national self-interest, or by any other fashion so long as it finds a way to cope. The persistence of nationalism, for instance, may well emerge out of massive perception of inequality as a result of the visibly widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. These perceptions can be easily fueled by what the disadvantaged sectors hear, see or read from a host of sources. The alienating forces of the global market could prick a nerve and suddenly awaken nationalist sentiments that might be difficult to contain without the moderation of states.
In the Philippines today, it cannot be denied that nationalism remains very much ingrained in the nation's fertile soil. The expulsion of thousands of Filipinos from Malaysia and the alleged harsh treatment of Filipinos in Sabah threaten to engulf the whole nation anew with a nationalist fury that could result in a major conflict between Malaysia and the Philippines, if left unabated. As the national media continues to highlight the issue, the state-in this case the Philippine government-is torn between appeasing its own people on the one hand, and managing its relations with its neighbor on the other. Regardless of how the situation will unfold hereafter, it is at least clear that nationalism is still very much alive and that nation-states remain relevant in the age of globalization.
At any rate, the situation confronting both the Philippines and Malaysia is but an indication of the downside of globalization. As globalization encourages and allows greater movement of people, the problem of displacement will always be there. Given the difficult economic situation in the Philippines, it is only understandable that the Philippine government is left without much choice but to protect its roughly 8 million nationals in different parts of the world. Away from their families, these Filipinos often seek refuge in Philippine embassies and consulates in case of emergencies abroad, again a manifestation of the people's continued recognition of the role of the state. After all, without the state, whom else could they turn to?
It is also interesting to note how the Filipino nation seeks to oppose forces of globalization that attempt to transcend the power of the state in responding to security threats. While certain sectors of the population might be willing to open Philippine territories to foreign troops, the bigger part of the population is there to caution the liberals, forcing the state to set limits to the movements and operations of non-Filipino troops within the country. This was practically why the Philippine government had to handle carefully the conduct of Balikatan Exercises in the country between Philippine and American troops recently. The state was clearly aware of the possible repercussions of allowing greater foreign intervention to unfold in a territory over which the Filipino nation maintains domestic jurisdiction and exercises sovereignty.
In the multilateral arena, Philippine nationalism exudes with its utmost intent to protect its national interest. Left with little voice and power to advance its own position, the Philippines gathers added strength from its neighbors and allies abroad if only to defend its own interest in various concerns. The country's membership in ASEAN, APEC, and the United Nations, among others, is but a result of the Philippines' nationalistic tendency that regards frameworks of integration as a means to pool and increase its own national strength abroad.
Ultimately, however, it is in the Filipino people where one can see the magnitude of the nation's sense of nationalism. Unfortunately, a controversial survey conducted by Pulse Asia Inc. recently showed that "one of every five Filipinos wants to leave the country for good and live in another country due to feeling of despair." Analysts say that "the situation is alarming because many of those who are leaving and those who want to leave the country now come from the upper and middle classes-educated, trained and financially able." This goes beyond the usual findings where many of those who want to leave the Philippines come from the vulnerable class of the society.
The Social Weather Stations Inc., on the other hand, argued that the question in the survey was double-barreled, as it posed queries that are inclined to cause ambiguity in interpretation. With a statement that says "There is no hope for the country. If possible, I would migrate to another country," one might be agreeing or disagreeing to either of the statements but not necessarily to both.
Whatever is the case, it can always be argued that such findings cannot measure the depth of the Filipinos' sense of nationalism. One's wanting to migrate does not equate with one's surrender of nationalism. Consider that many of the Filipinos overseas still strongly identify themselves with the Filipino nation. Filipino communities in different parts of the world watch closely the events in the country, at times even seeking to take part in some national endeavors in spite of their physical isolation. Their clamor for the immediate passage of the Absentee Voting Law illustrates the point clearly.
In closing, the Filipino nation is faced with the difficult task of breathing normally in the age of globalization. The challenge is for us to redefine Filipino nationalism in a way that will not fight, but manage globalization.
20100211
Being an American
David Baker, Cornerstone High School (homeschool); Bexley, Ohio
Without a tremendous amount of ingenuity the United States of America would not exist as we know it today.
Ingenuity means trying new ways of doing things, new uses for past ideas and developing them until you find a better way. The Founders had to use creativity and ingenuity to develop a system of government for such a diverse people. They were also able to balance the government so that it would treat all citizens and all States equally. The writing of the United States Constitution required our Founders to take their many ideas and form them into a better government. When the Constitutional Convention first met there were many opposing ideas on government; some Founders called for the British system, however, others wanted a weak government with no leader. Many colonists wanted to crown George Washington as their king, but he said that he would not be the king or support a monarchy in America. There were some that wanted no connection between the States making them just a group of sovereign colonies. They would form alliances in time of war, like they had done during the American Revolution under the Articles of Confederation, when the federal government could only make suggestions not any real laws. There were other Founders who pushed for a central federal power with almost
no States rights. If the Founders had chosen any one of those systems our country would have had civil wars constantly, with some States going back to Great Britain or becoming French colonies, a dictatorship (and most likely other revolutions), anarchy or a police state. Instead the Founders created a system with checks and
balances and a rather limited federal government, but strong enough to prevent inter-state strife while still allowing State and personal freedoms. They also found ways to balance the amount of power between a small State and a large State so that the small State was not powerless or disproportionately powerful to a larger State.
The Founders had to use much ingenuity to create our Constitution so that it would allow the federal government to function well and not become an Orwellian big brother figure or lead to anarchy. Our Constitution took the best of each idea and created an entirely new republic. Our country has shown an amazing amount of ingenuity throughout its history. Benjamin Franklin, at age 81, was the oldest member of the Constitutional Convention. He had many other ingenious ideas that still influence everyday life today such as bifocals, the "Franklin Stove", the first police and fire departments, as well as the public library. Another great American who embodied this same type of ingenuity was Henry Ford. Among other things, he gave the world the first assembly line and an affordable car. Many of the things we use every day and take for granted are manufactured in the assembly line. Without all these ideas and many other innovations throughout our history, American culture would not be what it is today. Mr. Ford said, “To do more for the world than the world does for you—that is success.” Without the willingness to take ideas and
inventions of the past and change or remold them, neither Mr. Ford nor our Founders could have been successful in their enterprises. I have used my own ingenuity by designing inventions to help make life easier or better and also while programming my FIRST robotics team's robot. A couple of my inventions are the Twister Resister, a device that protects people from flying debris during a tornado; and the Stuffed Crutch, an add-on to your crutch so you are able to carry things with you while you crutch. In programming, ingenuity is very important. There are many
problems in programming that do not have easy solutions and you must try many different ideas to find the best one. Without being able to "think outside the box" when looking at a problem in order to find unique ways to solve it, or looking at an item to find a new use for it, you will never create anything. I enjoy trying to solve problems as well as finding better ways to do things. In conclusion, without ingenuity, the United States of America might not be 232 years old and counting.
I believe that ingenuity, past, present and future, is the most important American value. Without ingenuity, America would not have led the world in science and technology these many years.
Without a tremendous amount of ingenuity the United States of America would not exist as we know it today.
Ingenuity means trying new ways of doing things, new uses for past ideas and developing them until you find a better way. The Founders had to use creativity and ingenuity to develop a system of government for such a diverse people. They were also able to balance the government so that it would treat all citizens and all States equally. The writing of the United States Constitution required our Founders to take their many ideas and form them into a better government. When the Constitutional Convention first met there were many opposing ideas on government; some Founders called for the British system, however, others wanted a weak government with no leader. Many colonists wanted to crown George Washington as their king, but he said that he would not be the king or support a monarchy in America. There were some that wanted no connection between the States making them just a group of sovereign colonies. They would form alliances in time of war, like they had done during the American Revolution under the Articles of Confederation, when the federal government could only make suggestions not any real laws. There were other Founders who pushed for a central federal power with almost
no States rights. If the Founders had chosen any one of those systems our country would have had civil wars constantly, with some States going back to Great Britain or becoming French colonies, a dictatorship (and most likely other revolutions), anarchy or a police state. Instead the Founders created a system with checks and
balances and a rather limited federal government, but strong enough to prevent inter-state strife while still allowing State and personal freedoms. They also found ways to balance the amount of power between a small State and a large State so that the small State was not powerless or disproportionately powerful to a larger State.
The Founders had to use much ingenuity to create our Constitution so that it would allow the federal government to function well and not become an Orwellian big brother figure or lead to anarchy. Our Constitution took the best of each idea and created an entirely new republic. Our country has shown an amazing amount of ingenuity throughout its history. Benjamin Franklin, at age 81, was the oldest member of the Constitutional Convention. He had many other ingenious ideas that still influence everyday life today such as bifocals, the "Franklin Stove", the first police and fire departments, as well as the public library. Another great American who embodied this same type of ingenuity was Henry Ford. Among other things, he gave the world the first assembly line and an affordable car. Many of the things we use every day and take for granted are manufactured in the assembly line. Without all these ideas and many other innovations throughout our history, American culture would not be what it is today. Mr. Ford said, “To do more for the world than the world does for you—that is success.” Without the willingness to take ideas and
inventions of the past and change or remold them, neither Mr. Ford nor our Founders could have been successful in their enterprises. I have used my own ingenuity by designing inventions to help make life easier or better and also while programming my FIRST robotics team's robot. A couple of my inventions are the Twister Resister, a device that protects people from flying debris during a tornado; and the Stuffed Crutch, an add-on to your crutch so you are able to carry things with you while you crutch. In programming, ingenuity is very important. There are many
problems in programming that do not have easy solutions and you must try many different ideas to find the best one. Without being able to "think outside the box" when looking at a problem in order to find unique ways to solve it, or looking at an item to find a new use for it, you will never create anything. I enjoy trying to solve problems as well as finding better ways to do things. In conclusion, without ingenuity, the United States of America might not be 232 years old and counting.
I believe that ingenuity, past, present and future, is the most important American value. Without ingenuity, America would not have led the world in science and technology these many years.
20100210
Responding to Crimes against Humanity: Prevention, Deployment, and Localization
Sophia Sanchez
Ladue Horton Watkins High School
St. Louis, Missouri
“Never again” has long been the somber declaration of those victimized by crimes against humanity. It bears with it the hope that the international community can learn from past atrocities and, in the words of the United Nations Charter, “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.”1 However, a lack of cohesive international action has meant that genocide, torture, and other such acts continue to occur. Based on lessons learned from case studies of Somalia and Rwanda, the international community should prevent escalation of conflict by addressing its socioeconomic root causes, maintain a long-term peacekeeping force that utilizes a multilateral approach, and establish a localized administration system bolstered by a structure of accountability.
The Somali conflict stemmed from decades of political and ethnic unrest, which was intensified by the regime of Siad Barre. The northern Issaq clan resented Siad Barre’s 1969 seizure of power, which established an ethnically Marehan government.2 In 1988, the Somali National Movement (SNM), a primarily northern endeavor, began an insurrection against the Barre regime.3 On January 27, 1991, Siad Barre fled the capital to escape the northern assault, causing a power struggle between the former United Somali Congress members.4
By the end of 1992, over 300,000 Somalis had died from the conflict.5 Human Rights Watch expressed its outrage at seeing Somali refugees “undergoing traumatic suffering with apparently no end in sight.”6 The United Nations later labeled the systematic rape, displacement, and torture by rival clans in Somalia as crimes against humanity as defined in Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.7
While rhetoric was in no short supply among global actors, the humanitarian response to the crisis proved inadequate. Relief efforts were complicated by the loss of 60 percent of Somalia’s infrastructure and insufficient peacekeeping forces.8 From October to December of 1992, the World Food Programme anticipated sending 100,000 metric tons of food to Somalia, but only distributed 18,900 metric tons.9 UNOSOM (United Nations Operations in Somalia) concentrated its forces in Mogadishu while leaving positions in smaller settlements unfilled, effectively cutting off assistance to certain regions of Somalia.10
As the atrocities mounted, international actors began to withdraw altogether from Somalia. On October 3 and 4, 1993, eighteen American soldiers were killed during the Battle of Mogadishu.11 Faction leader Mohammad Aideed used these deaths to increase foreign discontent with the Somali operations and rid the country of peacekeeping forces.12 By March 31, 1994, all United States forces had evacuated Somalia.13 Lacking support, UNOSOM disbanded one year later, and Somalia became the epitome of a failed state and a failed international intervention.14
The violence in Rwanda resulted from prolonged ethnic tension that erupted after the assassination of Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana. After Hutus overthrew the Tutsi king in 1959, displaced Tutsis formed the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) in Uganda.15 The RPF invaded Rwanda in 1990, marking the beginning of the civil war.16 Radio stations broadcast propaganda, urging Hutus to “exterminate the Tutsi cockroaches.”17 On April 6, 1994, President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down, an act the Hutus blamed on the Tutsis, and three months of genocide began.18
From April 6 to July 4, 1994, approximately 800,000 Rwandans were systematically murdered.19 Two million Rwandans fled to neighboring countries, where many ended up in disease-ridden refugee camps.20 On May 17, 1994, a UN Security Council resolution stated that “acts of genocide may have been committed,” but refrained from definitively labeling the Rwandan conflict “genocide.”21 As Vince Kern, director for African affairs and head of the Rwanda Task Force at the Pentagon, explained, “Genocide finding could commit [governments] to actually ‘do something.’ ”22 The genocide ended on July 4, 1994, when the RPF captured the capital city of Kigali, but Rwanda was left in ruins.23
Despite the international community’s knowledge of these atrocities, its response to the conflict in Rwanda proved woefully insufficient. A CIA report issued 20 days before Habyarimana’s assassination stated that 300,000 to 500,000 people could be killed if hostilities intensified.24 Clearly, the international community knew of the danger, but lacked a plan of action. Matters worsened when Hutu extremists murdered ten Belgians on April 7, 1994, prompting an international outcry.25 The United States closed its embassy, while the United Nations withdrew all but 270 UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda) peacekeeping troops for the duration of the genocide.26
After the conflict ended, the international community implemented a tiered judicial system that worked toward lasting peace. An international tribunal presided over high-profile cases, while the localized Gacaca court system handled less serious offenders.27 The courts held trials in each village to not only prosecute defendants accused of genocide, but also to promote reconciliation through dialogue and community service.28 Such localized reintegration programs may be the key to quelling ethnic tension. For example, after the Gacaca system was implemented in Sovu, Rwanda, only 2 percent of residents agreed with the statement “I prefer to buy things from a shopkeeper of my own ethnicity.”29 The Gacaca approach was one of the successes of the Rwandan intervention, although much work remains to be done.
With the atrocities committed in Somalia and Rwanda in mind, international actors should subdue conflict by addressing socioeconomic root causes. On a financial level, the international community should work to stabilize depressed economies in at-risk nations. One way this might be achieved is through microfinancing, a small-scale investment program that effectively stimulated post-war Rwandan farming.30 The international community should also address social tensions by targeting hate radio, which was a large factor in escalating ethnic resentment in both Somalia and Rwanda.31 International law should permit the destruction of hate-radio transmitters when an agreed-upon code of conduct is broken.32 The global community must address economic and social root causes of conflict if it hopes to effectively prevent mass atrocities from occurring.
On the national level, governments such as the United States should establish an interagency Atrocities Prevention Committee (APC), as outlined by the Genocide Prevention Task Force.33 The APC should work with the United Nations, subregional organizations, NGOs, and individual nations to coordinate information concerning at-risk nations. The committee should establish a tiered warning system, based on factors such as institutional racism, history of conflict, media propaganda, and leadership instability. Reports such as the one that predicted 300,000 to 500,000 deaths in Rwanda should immediately trigger an ad hoc meeting at the presidential level to discuss policy options. With mass atrocities like the Rwandan genocide occurring in the time span of 100 days, it is imperative that international actors be prepared to take quick and decisive action to prevent their occurrence.
Should the conflict reach a point where preventive measures are no longer possible, international peacekeeping forces should commit themselves to rapid deployment and long-term stationing. The United Nations should plan for troop deployment in at-risk nations within 30 days of a Security Council resolution.34 In order to supply sufficient peacekeeping forces, international organizations should capitalize on subregional offers of assistance and support a civilian police force within war-torn countries. The key is to create a multilateral coalition that reflects global sentiments, not to establish western imperialism. These measures can work to drastically decrease response time and increase long-term peacekeeping capabilities by involving troops at the international, regional, and national levels.
Finally, the United Nations, United States, and other international actors should rely on a decentralized peacekeeping approach, rather than focusing on an urban headquarters. In order to increase dissemination of aid, staffing small towns should be a greater priority than establishing a headquarters in the capital.35 Global actors can garner local support by admitting regional leaders into intervention discussions. In northern Somalia, UNOSOM incorporated local elders into policy meetings, which increased clan willingness to cooperate with the United Nations in dismantling anarchistic factions.36 Placing a priority on local intervention personnel leads to better distribution of aid and more effective peace negotiations.
The judicial system for crimes against humanity should likewise be localized. The system should be modeled on the Rwandan Gacacas, assigning a court to each village. As more criminals are brought to justice, localized court systems demonstrate that war crimes will be punished. Dialogue between the accused and the victimized and a sentence involving community service should be key facets of the courts. A system of accountability similar to the one in Rwanda, in which 90 percent of the electorate voted for Gacaca judges, would ensure that local judges have the consent of the people and are not arbitrarily appointed.37 Moreover, the international community should establish sentencing guidelines, which would standardize punishments and guarantee a focus on reintegration, not retribution. By utilizing a localized judicial system, the international community can transition from a goal of short-term peace to long-term stability.
In the wake of the atrocities in Somalia and Rwanda, it is critical that the international community learn to better protect against crimes against humanity. By addressing the root causes of conflict, rapidly deploying a long-term peacekeeping force, and shifting to a localized administration approach, international actors can convert rhetoric into results. The process will not happen overnight, but by implementing these policies, the international community can begin to make “never again” a reality.
Notes:
1. Goodrich, Leland Matthew, and Edvard Isak Hambro. Charter of the United Nations: Commentary and Documents. London: World Peace Foundation, 1949.
2. Sahnoun, Mohamed. Somalia: The Missed Opportunities. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1994.
3. Brown, Michael E., and Richard N. Rosecrance. The Cost of Conflict: Prevention and Cure in the Global Arena. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999.
4. Sahnoun. Somalia.
5. Bush, George. “Humanitarian Crisis in Somalia.” Lettter from President Bush to the Speaker of the House and President Pro Tempore of the Senate. Washington, DC, December 10, 1992.
6. "Human Rights Watch World Report 1993—Somalia." Human Rights Watch. January 1, 1993. Accessed January 20, 2009. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/467fca601e.html
7. Rishmawi, Mona. "Situation of Human Rights in Somalia." UN Commission on Human Rights, Geneva. April 22, 1999.
8. "Somalia—UNOSOM I." United Nations Operations in Somalia I . March 21, 1997. Accessed 23 January 2009. http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/unosomi.htm
9. Sahnoun. Somalia.10. Ibid.
11. Smith, Michael. Killer Elite: The Inside Story of America's Most Secret Special Operations Team. New York: St. Martin's, 2007.
12. Kaempf, Sebastian. “Somalia and General Aideed's Strategic Response to U.S. Intervention: Invoking America's Experiences in Lebanon and Vietnam.” Paper presented at the nnual meeting of the International Studies Association, Chicago, IL, 2007.
13. Copson, Raymond W. Africa's Wars and Prospects for Peace. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994.
14. Peterson, Scott. Me against My Brother: At War in Somalia, Sudan, and Rwanda. New York: Routledge, 2000.
15. Cohen, Jared. One Hundred Days of Silence: America and the Rwanda Genocide. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.
16. Ibid.
17. Sutton, Barbara, Sandra Morgen, and Julie Novkov. Security Disarmed: Critical Perspectives on Gender, Race, and Militarization. Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008.
18. Khan, Shaharyar M., and Mary Robinson. The Shallow Graves of Rwanda. New York: I. B. Tauris, 2000.
19. Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2002.
20. "Rwanda: Accountability for War Crimes and Genocide." Special Report, January 1995. United States Institute of Peace. Accessed January 20, 2009.
http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/early/rwanda1.html
21. "Timeline: 100 Days of Genocide." BBC News, April 6, 2004. AccessedJanuary 21, 2009.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3580247.stm
22. Kern, Vince. Discussion paper. Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Middle East/Africa Region. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, November 18, 1998.
23. Cohen, Jared. One Hundred Days of Silence: America and the Rwanda Genocide. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2007.
24. Ibid.
25. Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002.
26. Ibid.
27. Drumbl, Mark A. Atrocity, Punishment, and International Law. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
28. Ibid.
29. Rettig, Max. "Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict Rwanda?" African Studies Review 51 (2008): 25¬–50.
30. Wilson, Tamsin. "Microfinance during and after Armed Conflict: Lessons from Angola, Cambodia, Mozambique, and Rwanda.” Concern Worldwide and the Springfield Centre for Business in Development. March 2002. AccessedJanuary 22 2009. http://www.microfinancegateway.org/files/14563_14563.pdf
31. Adelman, Howard, and Astri Suhrke. The Path of a Genocide: The Rwanda Crisis from Uganda to Zaire. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2000.
32. As suggested in Allan Thompson and Kofi Annan. The Media and the Rwanda Genocide. Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto, 2007.
33. Albright, Madeleine K., and William S. Cohen, co-chairs. Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers. Genocide Prevention Task Force. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, American Academy of Diplomacy, and United States Institute of Peace. 2008. Accessed January 21, 2009. http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/pdf/FINAL%20REPORT.pdf
34. As suggested in Lakhdar Brahimi, chairman. Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations. New York: United Nations, 2000.
35. Sahnoun. Somalia.
36. Ibid.
37. Brown, Jane. "Rwanda—Gacaca." Center for Communication Programs, John Hopkins University. 2005. Accessed January 19, 2009.
http://www.jhuccp.org/africa/rwanda/gacaca.shtml
Bibliography
Print Sources
Adelman, Howard, and Astri Suhrke. The Path of a Genocide: The Rwanda Crisis from Uganda to Zaire. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2000.
Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002.
Brahimi, Lakhdar, chairman. Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations. New York: United Nations, 2000.
Brown, Michael E., and Richard N. Rosecrance. The Cost of Conflict: Prevention and Cure in the Global Arena. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield , 1999.
Bush, George. “Humanitarian Crisis in Somalia.” Lettter from President Bush to the Speaker of the House and President Pro Tempore of the Senate. Washington, DC, December 10, 1992.
Cohen, Jared. One Hundred Days of Silence: America and the Rwanda Genocide. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.
Copson, Raymond W. Africa's Wars and Prospects for Peace. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994.
Drumbl, Mark A. Atrocity, Punishment, and International Law. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Goodrich, Leland Matthew, and Edvard Isak Hambro. Charter of the United Nations: Commentary and Documents. London: World Peace Foundation, 1949.
Kaempf, Sebastian. “Somalia and General Aideed's Strategic Response to U.S. Intervention: Invoking Americas Experiences in Lebanon and Vietnam.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association. Chicago, IL, 2007.
Kern, Vince. Discussion paper. Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Middle East/Africa Region. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, November 18, 1998.
Khan, Shaharyar M., and Mary Robinson. The Shallow Graves of Rwanda. New York: I. B. Tauris, 2000.
Peterson, Scott. Me against My Brother: At War in Somalia, Sudan, and Rwanda. New York: Routledge, 2000.
Rettig, Max. "Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict Rwanda?" African Studies Review 51 (2008): 25–50.
Rishmawi, Mona. "Situation of Human Rights in Somalia." UN Commission on Human Rights, Geneva. April 22, 1999.
Sahnoun, Mohamed. Somalia: The Missed Opportunities. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1994.
Smith, Michael. Killer Elite: The Inside Story of America's Most Secret Special Operations Team. New York: St. Martin's, 2007.
Sutton, Barbara, Sandra Morgen, and Julie Novkov. Security Disarmed: Critical Perspectives on Gender, Race, and Militarization.
Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008.
Thompson, Allan, and Kofi Annan. The Media and the Rwanda Genocide. Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto, 2007.
Internet Sources
Albright, Madeleine K., and William S. Cohen, co-chairs. Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers. Genocide Prevention Task Force. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, American Academy of Diplomacy, and United States Institute of Peace. 2008. Accessed January 21, 2009. http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/pdf/FINAL%20REPORT.pdf
Brown, Jane. "Rwanda—Gacaca." Center for Communication Programs, John Hopkins University. 2005. Accessed January 19, 2009. http://www.jhuccp.org/africa/rwanda/gacaca.shtml
"Human Rights Watch World Report 1993—Somalia." January 1, 1993. Human Rights Watch. Accessed January 20, 2009. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/467fca601e.html
"Rwanda: Accountability for War Crimes and Genocide." Special Report, January 1995. United States Institute of Peace. Accessed January 20, 2009. http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/early/rwanda1.html
"Somalia—UNOSOM I." United Nations Operations in Somalia I. March 21, 1997. Accessed January 23, 2009. http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/unosomi.htm
"Timeline: 100 Days of Genocide," BBC News, April 6, 2004. Accessed January 21, 2009.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3580247.stm
Wilson, Tamsin. "Microfinance during and after Armed Conflict: Lessons from Angola, Cambodia, Mozambique and Rwanda.” Concern Worldwide and the Springfield Centre for Business in Development. March 2002. Accessed January 22, 2009. http://www.microfinancegateway.org/files/14563_14563.pdf
Ladue Horton Watkins High School
St. Louis, Missouri
“Never again” has long been the somber declaration of those victimized by crimes against humanity. It bears with it the hope that the international community can learn from past atrocities and, in the words of the United Nations Charter, “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.”1 However, a lack of cohesive international action has meant that genocide, torture, and other such acts continue to occur. Based on lessons learned from case studies of Somalia and Rwanda, the international community should prevent escalation of conflict by addressing its socioeconomic root causes, maintain a long-term peacekeeping force that utilizes a multilateral approach, and establish a localized administration system bolstered by a structure of accountability.
The Somali conflict stemmed from decades of political and ethnic unrest, which was intensified by the regime of Siad Barre. The northern Issaq clan resented Siad Barre’s 1969 seizure of power, which established an ethnically Marehan government.2 In 1988, the Somali National Movement (SNM), a primarily northern endeavor, began an insurrection against the Barre regime.3 On January 27, 1991, Siad Barre fled the capital to escape the northern assault, causing a power struggle between the former United Somali Congress members.4
By the end of 1992, over 300,000 Somalis had died from the conflict.5 Human Rights Watch expressed its outrage at seeing Somali refugees “undergoing traumatic suffering with apparently no end in sight.”6 The United Nations later labeled the systematic rape, displacement, and torture by rival clans in Somalia as crimes against humanity as defined in Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.7
While rhetoric was in no short supply among global actors, the humanitarian response to the crisis proved inadequate. Relief efforts were complicated by the loss of 60 percent of Somalia’s infrastructure and insufficient peacekeeping forces.8 From October to December of 1992, the World Food Programme anticipated sending 100,000 metric tons of food to Somalia, but only distributed 18,900 metric tons.9 UNOSOM (United Nations Operations in Somalia) concentrated its forces in Mogadishu while leaving positions in smaller settlements unfilled, effectively cutting off assistance to certain regions of Somalia.10
As the atrocities mounted, international actors began to withdraw altogether from Somalia. On October 3 and 4, 1993, eighteen American soldiers were killed during the Battle of Mogadishu.11 Faction leader Mohammad Aideed used these deaths to increase foreign discontent with the Somali operations and rid the country of peacekeeping forces.12 By March 31, 1994, all United States forces had evacuated Somalia.13 Lacking support, UNOSOM disbanded one year later, and Somalia became the epitome of a failed state and a failed international intervention.14
The violence in Rwanda resulted from prolonged ethnic tension that erupted after the assassination of Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana. After Hutus overthrew the Tutsi king in 1959, displaced Tutsis formed the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) in Uganda.15 The RPF invaded Rwanda in 1990, marking the beginning of the civil war.16 Radio stations broadcast propaganda, urging Hutus to “exterminate the Tutsi cockroaches.”17 On April 6, 1994, President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down, an act the Hutus blamed on the Tutsis, and three months of genocide began.18
From April 6 to July 4, 1994, approximately 800,000 Rwandans were systematically murdered.19 Two million Rwandans fled to neighboring countries, where many ended up in disease-ridden refugee camps.20 On May 17, 1994, a UN Security Council resolution stated that “acts of genocide may have been committed,” but refrained from definitively labeling the Rwandan conflict “genocide.”21 As Vince Kern, director for African affairs and head of the Rwanda Task Force at the Pentagon, explained, “Genocide finding could commit [governments] to actually ‘do something.’ ”22 The genocide ended on July 4, 1994, when the RPF captured the capital city of Kigali, but Rwanda was left in ruins.23
Despite the international community’s knowledge of these atrocities, its response to the conflict in Rwanda proved woefully insufficient. A CIA report issued 20 days before Habyarimana’s assassination stated that 300,000 to 500,000 people could be killed if hostilities intensified.24 Clearly, the international community knew of the danger, but lacked a plan of action. Matters worsened when Hutu extremists murdered ten Belgians on April 7, 1994, prompting an international outcry.25 The United States closed its embassy, while the United Nations withdrew all but 270 UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda) peacekeeping troops for the duration of the genocide.26
After the conflict ended, the international community implemented a tiered judicial system that worked toward lasting peace. An international tribunal presided over high-profile cases, while the localized Gacaca court system handled less serious offenders.27 The courts held trials in each village to not only prosecute defendants accused of genocide, but also to promote reconciliation through dialogue and community service.28 Such localized reintegration programs may be the key to quelling ethnic tension. For example, after the Gacaca system was implemented in Sovu, Rwanda, only 2 percent of residents agreed with the statement “I prefer to buy things from a shopkeeper of my own ethnicity.”29 The Gacaca approach was one of the successes of the Rwandan intervention, although much work remains to be done.
With the atrocities committed in Somalia and Rwanda in mind, international actors should subdue conflict by addressing socioeconomic root causes. On a financial level, the international community should work to stabilize depressed economies in at-risk nations. One way this might be achieved is through microfinancing, a small-scale investment program that effectively stimulated post-war Rwandan farming.30 The international community should also address social tensions by targeting hate radio, which was a large factor in escalating ethnic resentment in both Somalia and Rwanda.31 International law should permit the destruction of hate-radio transmitters when an agreed-upon code of conduct is broken.32 The global community must address economic and social root causes of conflict if it hopes to effectively prevent mass atrocities from occurring.
On the national level, governments such as the United States should establish an interagency Atrocities Prevention Committee (APC), as outlined by the Genocide Prevention Task Force.33 The APC should work with the United Nations, subregional organizations, NGOs, and individual nations to coordinate information concerning at-risk nations. The committee should establish a tiered warning system, based on factors such as institutional racism, history of conflict, media propaganda, and leadership instability. Reports such as the one that predicted 300,000 to 500,000 deaths in Rwanda should immediately trigger an ad hoc meeting at the presidential level to discuss policy options. With mass atrocities like the Rwandan genocide occurring in the time span of 100 days, it is imperative that international actors be prepared to take quick and decisive action to prevent their occurrence.
Should the conflict reach a point where preventive measures are no longer possible, international peacekeeping forces should commit themselves to rapid deployment and long-term stationing. The United Nations should plan for troop deployment in at-risk nations within 30 days of a Security Council resolution.34 In order to supply sufficient peacekeeping forces, international organizations should capitalize on subregional offers of assistance and support a civilian police force within war-torn countries. The key is to create a multilateral coalition that reflects global sentiments, not to establish western imperialism. These measures can work to drastically decrease response time and increase long-term peacekeeping capabilities by involving troops at the international, regional, and national levels.
Finally, the United Nations, United States, and other international actors should rely on a decentralized peacekeeping approach, rather than focusing on an urban headquarters. In order to increase dissemination of aid, staffing small towns should be a greater priority than establishing a headquarters in the capital.35 Global actors can garner local support by admitting regional leaders into intervention discussions. In northern Somalia, UNOSOM incorporated local elders into policy meetings, which increased clan willingness to cooperate with the United Nations in dismantling anarchistic factions.36 Placing a priority on local intervention personnel leads to better distribution of aid and more effective peace negotiations.
The judicial system for crimes against humanity should likewise be localized. The system should be modeled on the Rwandan Gacacas, assigning a court to each village. As more criminals are brought to justice, localized court systems demonstrate that war crimes will be punished. Dialogue between the accused and the victimized and a sentence involving community service should be key facets of the courts. A system of accountability similar to the one in Rwanda, in which 90 percent of the electorate voted for Gacaca judges, would ensure that local judges have the consent of the people and are not arbitrarily appointed.37 Moreover, the international community should establish sentencing guidelines, which would standardize punishments and guarantee a focus on reintegration, not retribution. By utilizing a localized judicial system, the international community can transition from a goal of short-term peace to long-term stability.
In the wake of the atrocities in Somalia and Rwanda, it is critical that the international community learn to better protect against crimes against humanity. By addressing the root causes of conflict, rapidly deploying a long-term peacekeeping force, and shifting to a localized administration approach, international actors can convert rhetoric into results. The process will not happen overnight, but by implementing these policies, the international community can begin to make “never again” a reality.
Notes:
1. Goodrich, Leland Matthew, and Edvard Isak Hambro. Charter of the United Nations: Commentary and Documents. London: World Peace Foundation, 1949.
2. Sahnoun, Mohamed. Somalia: The Missed Opportunities. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1994.
3. Brown, Michael E., and Richard N. Rosecrance. The Cost of Conflict: Prevention and Cure in the Global Arena. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999.
4. Sahnoun. Somalia.
5. Bush, George. “Humanitarian Crisis in Somalia.” Lettter from President Bush to the Speaker of the House and President Pro Tempore of the Senate. Washington, DC, December 10, 1992.
6. "Human Rights Watch World Report 1993—Somalia." Human Rights Watch. January 1, 1993. Accessed January 20, 2009. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/467fca601e.html
7. Rishmawi, Mona. "Situation of Human Rights in Somalia." UN Commission on Human Rights, Geneva. April 22, 1999.
8. "Somalia—UNOSOM I." United Nations Operations in Somalia I . March 21, 1997. Accessed 23 January 2009. http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/unosomi.htm
9. Sahnoun. Somalia.10. Ibid.
11. Smith, Michael. Killer Elite: The Inside Story of America's Most Secret Special Operations Team. New York: St. Martin's, 2007.
12. Kaempf, Sebastian. “Somalia and General Aideed's Strategic Response to U.S. Intervention: Invoking America's Experiences in Lebanon and Vietnam.” Paper presented at the nnual meeting of the International Studies Association, Chicago, IL, 2007.
13. Copson, Raymond W. Africa's Wars and Prospects for Peace. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994.
14. Peterson, Scott. Me against My Brother: At War in Somalia, Sudan, and Rwanda. New York: Routledge, 2000.
15. Cohen, Jared. One Hundred Days of Silence: America and the Rwanda Genocide. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.
16. Ibid.
17. Sutton, Barbara, Sandra Morgen, and Julie Novkov. Security Disarmed: Critical Perspectives on Gender, Race, and Militarization. Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008.
18. Khan, Shaharyar M., and Mary Robinson. The Shallow Graves of Rwanda. New York: I. B. Tauris, 2000.
19. Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2002.
20. "Rwanda: Accountability for War Crimes and Genocide." Special Report, January 1995. United States Institute of Peace. Accessed January 20, 2009.
http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/early/rwanda1.html
21. "Timeline: 100 Days of Genocide." BBC News, April 6, 2004. AccessedJanuary 21, 2009.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3580247.stm
22. Kern, Vince. Discussion paper. Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Middle East/Africa Region. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, November 18, 1998.
23. Cohen, Jared. One Hundred Days of Silence: America and the Rwanda Genocide. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2007.
24. Ibid.
25. Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002.
26. Ibid.
27. Drumbl, Mark A. Atrocity, Punishment, and International Law. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
28. Ibid.
29. Rettig, Max. "Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict Rwanda?" African Studies Review 51 (2008): 25¬–50.
30. Wilson, Tamsin. "Microfinance during and after Armed Conflict: Lessons from Angola, Cambodia, Mozambique, and Rwanda.” Concern Worldwide and the Springfield Centre for Business in Development. March 2002. AccessedJanuary 22 2009. http://www.microfinancegateway.org/files/14563_14563.pdf
31. Adelman, Howard, and Astri Suhrke. The Path of a Genocide: The Rwanda Crisis from Uganda to Zaire. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2000.
32. As suggested in Allan Thompson and Kofi Annan. The Media and the Rwanda Genocide. Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto, 2007.
33. Albright, Madeleine K., and William S. Cohen, co-chairs. Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers. Genocide Prevention Task Force. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, American Academy of Diplomacy, and United States Institute of Peace. 2008. Accessed January 21, 2009. http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/pdf/FINAL%20REPORT.pdf
34. As suggested in Lakhdar Brahimi, chairman. Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations. New York: United Nations, 2000.
35. Sahnoun. Somalia.
36. Ibid.
37. Brown, Jane. "Rwanda—Gacaca." Center for Communication Programs, John Hopkins University. 2005. Accessed January 19, 2009.
http://www.jhuccp.org/africa/rwanda/gacaca.shtml
Bibliography
Print Sources
Adelman, Howard, and Astri Suhrke. The Path of a Genocide: The Rwanda Crisis from Uganda to Zaire. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2000.
Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002.
Brahimi, Lakhdar, chairman. Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations. New York: United Nations, 2000.
Brown, Michael E., and Richard N. Rosecrance. The Cost of Conflict: Prevention and Cure in the Global Arena. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield , 1999.
Bush, George. “Humanitarian Crisis in Somalia.” Lettter from President Bush to the Speaker of the House and President Pro Tempore of the Senate. Washington, DC, December 10, 1992.
Cohen, Jared. One Hundred Days of Silence: America and the Rwanda Genocide. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.
Copson, Raymond W. Africa's Wars and Prospects for Peace. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994.
Drumbl, Mark A. Atrocity, Punishment, and International Law. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Goodrich, Leland Matthew, and Edvard Isak Hambro. Charter of the United Nations: Commentary and Documents. London: World Peace Foundation, 1949.
Kaempf, Sebastian. “Somalia and General Aideed's Strategic Response to U.S. Intervention: Invoking Americas Experiences in Lebanon and Vietnam.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association. Chicago, IL, 2007.
Kern, Vince. Discussion paper. Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Middle East/Africa Region. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, November 18, 1998.
Khan, Shaharyar M., and Mary Robinson. The Shallow Graves of Rwanda. New York: I. B. Tauris, 2000.
Peterson, Scott. Me against My Brother: At War in Somalia, Sudan, and Rwanda. New York: Routledge, 2000.
Rettig, Max. "Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict Rwanda?" African Studies Review 51 (2008): 25–50.
Rishmawi, Mona. "Situation of Human Rights in Somalia." UN Commission on Human Rights, Geneva. April 22, 1999.
Sahnoun, Mohamed. Somalia: The Missed Opportunities. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1994.
Smith, Michael. Killer Elite: The Inside Story of America's Most Secret Special Operations Team. New York: St. Martin's, 2007.
Sutton, Barbara, Sandra Morgen, and Julie Novkov. Security Disarmed: Critical Perspectives on Gender, Race, and Militarization.
Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008.
Thompson, Allan, and Kofi Annan. The Media and the Rwanda Genocide. Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto, 2007.
Internet Sources
Albright, Madeleine K., and William S. Cohen, co-chairs. Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers. Genocide Prevention Task Force. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, American Academy of Diplomacy, and United States Institute of Peace. 2008. Accessed January 21, 2009. http://www.usip.org/genocide_taskforce/pdf/FINAL%20REPORT.pdf
Brown, Jane. "Rwanda—Gacaca." Center for Communication Programs, John Hopkins University. 2005. Accessed January 19, 2009. http://www.jhuccp.org/africa/rwanda/gacaca.shtml
"Human Rights Watch World Report 1993—Somalia." January 1, 1993. Human Rights Watch. Accessed January 20, 2009. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/467fca601e.html
"Rwanda: Accountability for War Crimes and Genocide." Special Report, January 1995. United States Institute of Peace. Accessed January 20, 2009. http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/early/rwanda1.html
"Somalia—UNOSOM I." United Nations Operations in Somalia I. March 21, 1997. Accessed January 23, 2009. http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/unosomi.htm
"Timeline: 100 Days of Genocide," BBC News, April 6, 2004. Accessed January 21, 2009.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3580247.stm
Wilson, Tamsin. "Microfinance during and after Armed Conflict: Lessons from Angola, Cambodia, Mozambique and Rwanda.” Concern Worldwide and the Springfield Centre for Business in Development. March 2002. Accessed January 22, 2009. http://www.microfinancegateway.org/files/14563_14563.pdf
20100209
We Need Green
by Max Zeryck
Grant High School
State of Oregon
Scientists agree that increasing numbers of human-caused carbon emissions are causing
global warming. Biodiversity loss is occurring at an alarming rate. Nearly half of the world’s population doesn’t have access to a sanitary source of water. Clearly, something is wrong, and the human race needs to take action as soon as possible. Thus, the United Nations’ Millennium Development goal to ensure environmental sustainability by 2015 is the most significant goal. Global warming is happening right now.
Though some individuals still do not see it as an issue, the intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has stated, “It is very unlikely that the 20th-century warming can be explained by natural causes.”1 Action needs to be taken now. The United States, under George W. Bush, has not taken the initiative on this issue.2 We need to fund research for sustainable energy and reduce carbon emissions in order to meet this important goal. Another target of the U.N.’s goal is to, by 2010, substantially reduce the rate of biodiversity loss occurring at an alarming rate.3 According the BBC, The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment found that “the way society has sourced its food, fresh water, timber, fibre and fuel over the past 50 years has seriously degraded the environment.”4 The report even goes on to claim that at the current rate, this Millennium Goal cannot be met. This goes to show that it is all the more important—we need to change how we farm, fish and log forests before we devastate the balance of nature beyond repair.
Finally, the statistic that, according to the UN, “almost half of the world’s population face [sic] a scarcity of water,”5 is alarming. Imagine a room with ten thirsty people in it. Now imagine five of them have to compete over one cup of water, and the other five drink freely from a fountain. This is representative of a global problem of water distribution and is one of the most immediately important targets of the seventh Millennium Goal. As you can see, we need to intervene as soon as possible. The delicate ecosystem, the dispersion of water and the future of planet Earth are at risk. The seventh Millennium Goal— ensuring environmental sustainability—is the most important goal to achieve and take action upon as soon as we can.
Sources
1. “Can the Warming of the 20th Century be Explained by Natural Variability?” IPCC
WGI..
2. “George W. Bush: The Un-science Guy.” AlterNet.
3. “Millenium Development Goals.” UN.org.
4. “Study highlights global decline.” BBC News.
.
5. “Millenium Development Goals.” UN.org.
Grant High School
State of Oregon
Scientists agree that increasing numbers of human-caused carbon emissions are causing
global warming. Biodiversity loss is occurring at an alarming rate. Nearly half of the world’s population doesn’t have access to a sanitary source of water. Clearly, something is wrong, and the human race needs to take action as soon as possible. Thus, the United Nations’ Millennium Development goal to ensure environmental sustainability by 2015 is the most significant goal. Global warming is happening right now.
Though some individuals still do not see it as an issue, the intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has stated, “It is very unlikely that the 20th-century warming can be explained by natural causes.”1 Action needs to be taken now. The United States, under George W. Bush, has not taken the initiative on this issue.2 We need to fund research for sustainable energy and reduce carbon emissions in order to meet this important goal. Another target of the U.N.’s goal is to, by 2010, substantially reduce the rate of biodiversity loss occurring at an alarming rate.3 According the BBC, The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment found that “the way society has sourced its food, fresh water, timber, fibre and fuel over the past 50 years has seriously degraded the environment.”4 The report even goes on to claim that at the current rate, this Millennium Goal cannot be met. This goes to show that it is all the more important—we need to change how we farm, fish and log forests before we devastate the balance of nature beyond repair.
Finally, the statistic that, according to the UN, “almost half of the world’s population face [sic] a scarcity of water,”5 is alarming. Imagine a room with ten thirsty people in it. Now imagine five of them have to compete over one cup of water, and the other five drink freely from a fountain. This is representative of a global problem of water distribution and is one of the most immediately important targets of the seventh Millennium Goal. As you can see, we need to intervene as soon as possible. The delicate ecosystem, the dispersion of water and the future of planet Earth are at risk. The seventh Millennium Goal— ensuring environmental sustainability—is the most important goal to achieve and take action upon as soon as we can.
Sources
1. “Can the Warming of the 20th Century be Explained by Natural Variability?” IPCC
WGI.
2. “George W. Bush: The Un-science Guy.” AlterNet.
3. “Millenium Development Goals.” UN.org.
4. “Study highlights global decline.” BBC News.
5. “Millenium Development Goals.” UN.org.
20100208
Expressionism
Bianca Zepeda
HTH, CA
Expressionism is an art movement that began in Germany in the late 19th century and early 20th century. It is known for its use of distortion and exaggeration for emotional effect. Expressionists sought to distort reality and express angst. The movement grew as an opposition to Impressionism, and is characterized for its use of dark colors, frantic brushstrokes and exaggerated lines to create emotion in the artwork and to exaggerate the artist experience. Though the expressionist movement affected mostly painting, the movement had also other art forms such as film, literature, architecture and music. It came about when artists began identifying the expression of an experience they had in a more exaggerated way instead of showing it realistically. Many of the expressionist artists were European, specifically German. Some of the German artists associated with the movement included Georges Rouault, Max Beckmann, Otto Dix, Lionel Feininger, George Grosz, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, August Macke, Emil Nolde, Max Pechstein. The Austrian Oskar Kokoschka, the Czech Alfred Kubin and the Norvegian Edvard Munch are also related to this movement.
The German painters were divided into two groups, the Die Bruecke meaning “the bridge” and the Der Blaue Reiter meaning “the blue rider”. Die Bruecke was established in Dresden, Germany in 1905 by a group of architecture students that lived and worked in a community and sought to reinvigorate art with expressive form. They took the name “Die Bruecke” from a line in German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche’s Thus Spoke Zarathustra that describes mankind as a bridge leading to a higher ideal. It was the Nietzsche’s literary work that set the tone for the groups’ bohemian lifestyle. Sadly at the onset of the First World War “Die Bruecke” was broken up due to artistic differences and was replaced by a new group called “Dresdener Sezessioin”. The artists in that formed the “Die Bruecke” were Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Erich Heckel and Emil Nolde.
The second group of expressionist “Der Blaue Retier”, began in 1911 and were located in Munich. Some of the founders of this group were Wassily Kandinsky, Franz Marc, August Macke and Alexej von Jawlensky. Other members of this group included, Paul Klee, August Macke, Gabriele Munter and Marianne von Werefkin. They named their group “Der Blaue Reiter” because of Franz Marc’s love for horses and Wassily Kandinsky’s admiration for the color blue. The group was split up in 1914 during the beginning of World War 1 due to the death of Franz Marc and August Macke who were killed in combat. During this time, Wassily Kandinsky and Alexej von Jawlensky were forced to move back to Russia because of their Russian citizenship.
Some of the most important art pieces in the expressionist movement were, “The Scream” by Edvard Munch, “Der Blaue Reiter” by Wassily Kandinsky and “Little Yellow Horses” by Franz Marc. “The Scream” was said to be inspired by a true experience Munch had when he was walking across a bridge in his hometown with some friends and suddenly had an urge to scream. In this painting you can really see the fear in the screaming man’s face. The choice of colors and the shapes also brings a sort of eerie feeling to the painting. “Der Blaue Reiter”, one of Kandinskiy’s most popular pieces shows a man in blue riding a horse across a green meadow. The outline and shape of the rider and his horse are seen in the painting, but the images are not clearly defined which is a characteristic of expressionist artwork. Marc is known for including horses in his artwork since he loved them so much. “Little Yellow Horses” is just one among many horse paintings. In this painting three yellow horses are lying against each other on the floor. The colors in this painting are very dark, such as the yellow which is almost orange in some areas.
Sources:
"Expressionism." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 4 Jan 2007, 23:19 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Der Blaue Reiter." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 7 Jan 2007, 18:05 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Die Brücke." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 6 Jan 2007, 19:05 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Wassily Kandinsky." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 12 Jan 2007, 05:43 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Friedrich Nietzsche." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 12 Jan 2007, 00:05 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007.
“Expressionism.” Nicolas Pioch. 19 Jun 2006 BMW Foundation. 11 January
2007
Barron, Stephanie and Wolf-Dieter Dube. German Expressionism: Art and Society. Milan:
Bompiani, 1997
The Art Book. New York: Phaidon Press Inc, 1994
HTH, CA
Expressionism is an art movement that began in Germany in the late 19th century and early 20th century. It is known for its use of distortion and exaggeration for emotional effect. Expressionists sought to distort reality and express angst. The movement grew as an opposition to Impressionism, and is characterized for its use of dark colors, frantic brushstrokes and exaggerated lines to create emotion in the artwork and to exaggerate the artist experience. Though the expressionist movement affected mostly painting, the movement had also other art forms such as film, literature, architecture and music. It came about when artists began identifying the expression of an experience they had in a more exaggerated way instead of showing it realistically. Many of the expressionist artists were European, specifically German. Some of the German artists associated with the movement included Georges Rouault, Max Beckmann, Otto Dix, Lionel Feininger, George Grosz, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, August Macke, Emil Nolde, Max Pechstein. The Austrian Oskar Kokoschka, the Czech Alfred Kubin and the Norvegian Edvard Munch are also related to this movement.
The German painters were divided into two groups, the Die Bruecke meaning “the bridge” and the Der Blaue Reiter meaning “the blue rider”. Die Bruecke was established in Dresden, Germany in 1905 by a group of architecture students that lived and worked in a community and sought to reinvigorate art with expressive form. They took the name “Die Bruecke” from a line in German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche’s Thus Spoke Zarathustra that describes mankind as a bridge leading to a higher ideal. It was the Nietzsche’s literary work that set the tone for the groups’ bohemian lifestyle. Sadly at the onset of the First World War “Die Bruecke” was broken up due to artistic differences and was replaced by a new group called “Dresdener Sezessioin”. The artists in that formed the “Die Bruecke” were Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Erich Heckel and Emil Nolde.
The second group of expressionist “Der Blaue Retier”, began in 1911 and were located in Munich. Some of the founders of this group were Wassily Kandinsky, Franz Marc, August Macke and Alexej von Jawlensky. Other members of this group included, Paul Klee, August Macke, Gabriele Munter and Marianne von Werefkin. They named their group “Der Blaue Reiter” because of Franz Marc’s love for horses and Wassily Kandinsky’s admiration for the color blue. The group was split up in 1914 during the beginning of World War 1 due to the death of Franz Marc and August Macke who were killed in combat. During this time, Wassily Kandinsky and Alexej von Jawlensky were forced to move back to Russia because of their Russian citizenship.
Some of the most important art pieces in the expressionist movement were, “The Scream” by Edvard Munch, “Der Blaue Reiter” by Wassily Kandinsky and “Little Yellow Horses” by Franz Marc. “The Scream” was said to be inspired by a true experience Munch had when he was walking across a bridge in his hometown with some friends and suddenly had an urge to scream. In this painting you can really see the fear in the screaming man’s face. The choice of colors and the shapes also brings a sort of eerie feeling to the painting. “Der Blaue Reiter”, one of Kandinskiy’s most popular pieces shows a man in blue riding a horse across a green meadow. The outline and shape of the rider and his horse are seen in the painting, but the images are not clearly defined which is a characteristic of expressionist artwork. Marc is known for including horses in his artwork since he loved them so much. “Little Yellow Horses” is just one among many horse paintings. In this painting three yellow horses are lying against each other on the floor. The colors in this painting are very dark, such as the yellow which is almost orange in some areas.
Sources:
"Expressionism." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 4 Jan 2007, 23:19 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Der Blaue Reiter." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 7 Jan 2007, 18:05 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Die Brücke." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 6 Jan 2007, 19:05 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Wassily Kandinsky." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 12 Jan 2007, 05:43 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
"Friedrich Nietzsche." Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. 12 Jan 2007, 00:05 UTC. Wikimedia
Foundation, Inc. 12 Jan 2007
“Expressionism.” Nicolas Pioch. 19 Jun 2006 BMW Foundation. 11 January
2007
Barron, Stephanie and Wolf-Dieter Dube. German Expressionism: Art and Society. Milan:
Bompiani, 1997
The Art Book. New York: Phaidon Press Inc, 1994
20100207
Moments in Time
A short story by Austin Cook, San Diego, CA
“Leah.” He called out her name sounding very bored. He glanced over at her and her head was cast down, staring into nothing. They were standing in an alley; it was dark, and damp. Trash lined the walls, resting next to the trash can. At the end of the alley was a tall chain link fence, at the top was barbed wire. Behind it was large wooden door. Leah’s long brown hair was down, creating a curtain around her face. She obviously wasn’t going to respond.
“Leah.” He said again, sounding stern. She shook her head, attempting to ignore him.
“Leah, come here.” Now he sounded angry. Leah finally lifted her head and looked over at him. Her face completely blank. She was obviously bored and was beginning to get angry about it.
“What do you want, Sean?” She hissed back. She straightened herself out and stood at her full height, she was tall, and lean. She reminded Sean a lot of their mother. She walked over to the chain link fence, wound her fingers around a link and stared at the door.
“Why do we have to watch this stupid door anyway? We don’t even know what’s behind it. Nobody ever comes down this alley anyway, even if they did I doubt they could climb the fence and get to the other side.” Complained Leah. They worked for The Agency. The Agency was essentially a protector of the innocents, like cops, except, in Leah’s opinion, better.
“Because Greg told us to? You know how these things go. We get an assignment and we finish the assignment.” Sean was older than her. He had a lot more patience for assignments for things like this. Leah on the other hand, had no patience. Sean chuckled to himself, knowing that there was nothing behind the door. Knowing that this “assignment” was only intended to train her.
“This is stupid.” She responded. She then reached up and pulled off her goggles. The alley way faded away and she was left standing in a blank, white room. She stormed out of the room, giving Sean a vicious look on the way out. She walked into a large, dimly lit room. There were three layers. On each side of the room were computers lined. Up the center of the room was a staircase that led up to a main console. Then, she found Greg.
“Greg, what was the point of that?” She raised her head and shot an angry look. He looked back at her, completely emotionless. He had short brown hair. He was wearing a suit. Black. As usual. She stared back at him. Waiting for a response that she could be satisfied with.
"You failed, as usual." he looked away, bored. "You have so much potential, yet you always manage to fail training, how is this possible? I was attempting to teach you a lesson in patience."
"What do you mean I failed, how could I fail a training exercise where all you do is wait?" Leah was angry. She knew in the back of her mind that she should not be yelling at Greg, but she did so anyway. Nobody else did. Somebody has to yell at him sometime.
"You failed because you did not w--" he suddenly stopped. Leah looked up at him, wondering why he stopped in mid-sentence. She saw his face, it looked frozen. As she started to look around more, she saw that everybody appeared to be frozen.
"Is this your guy's idea of a cruel trick? I took off my goggles, I should be out of the training simulator. Let me out. Now." Leah yelled. she then ran up to Greg and punched him in the face as hard as she could. "How do you like that?" she mumbled.
She started to look around and noticed that everything appeared to be getting colder. She could feel the room temperature changing, getting colder and colder. At this point, Leah was confused whether to be mad, or afraid. Although the training simulator operators sometimes play jokes, this was too much. She wanted this to end.
"I'm done. Let me out. Next time I won't fail my missions." her voice broke on the end, she was beginning to shiver. I want this to stop, she thought. Why isn't anybody stopping this?, she was trying to remain calm. It wasn't working as well as she had hoped.
She looked up at the clock and noticed that it was still ticking. Weird, she thought. I guess everything isn't frozen. She then looked at her wrist watch and saw that it too was ticking. What is going on?
She decided she could do nothing other than wait. So that is what she did. She looked at the clock every five minutes, wondering when this nightmare would end.
Eventually, it did. Leah noticed that it was begging to get warmer, closer to a typical temperature. She stood up and walked back towards the simulator to take off her goggles. Right as she went to take off her goggles, people started to move.
"ait! Ouch!" Greg yelped. Everybody in the room turned back to him. Leah ran up to him. "What did you just do Leah?" he stared at her. His face was not his usual composed, and collected look, but it was now one of anger. "All I'm trying to do is train you, teach you some lessons and you punch me?" he continued, anger coursing through his voice.
"What are you talking about? You guys trapped me in the simulator! I waited for at least an hour for you guys to let me out." she responded quickly. "See just look at the time." she pulled up her watch and saw that it was 3:47. "Well, my clock must be busted, it's showing that its 3:47, when really it should be at least 2:47." Leah sighed, now she had to find a new watch.
"Leah, my clock says 3:47 too, what did you say happened?" Greg asked, looking confused.
"I already told you. You guys were frozen. I waited for at least an hour then it started to get warmer and you all started to move again." Leah started getting angry. "This is not a funny joke."
"Leah, we are not joking with you." Greg sounded steady now. He looked at Leah again. "Leah, coming with me." it was not a question. Leah walked up the steps and followed him into the back, where his office was.
"Explain to me what happened again, please." Greg asked. Leah sighed.
"I was stuck in the simulator for at least an hour. You guys were all frozen." Leah sounded bored now.
"Did you do anything while you were frozen?" Greg asked.
"No."
"You sure?"
"Yes, Greg, I'm sure. Oh. Wait. I did do something."
"And?"
"I punched you in the face." responded Leah, a smile on her face.
"You punched me in the face?"
"Yes."
"Leah, can you stop time?"
“Leah.” He called out her name sounding very bored. He glanced over at her and her head was cast down, staring into nothing. They were standing in an alley; it was dark, and damp. Trash lined the walls, resting next to the trash can. At the end of the alley was a tall chain link fence, at the top was barbed wire. Behind it was large wooden door. Leah’s long brown hair was down, creating a curtain around her face. She obviously wasn’t going to respond.
“Leah.” He said again, sounding stern. She shook her head, attempting to ignore him.
“Leah, come here.” Now he sounded angry. Leah finally lifted her head and looked over at him. Her face completely blank. She was obviously bored and was beginning to get angry about it.
“What do you want, Sean?” She hissed back. She straightened herself out and stood at her full height, she was tall, and lean. She reminded Sean a lot of their mother. She walked over to the chain link fence, wound her fingers around a link and stared at the door.
“Why do we have to watch this stupid door anyway? We don’t even know what’s behind it. Nobody ever comes down this alley anyway, even if they did I doubt they could climb the fence and get to the other side.” Complained Leah. They worked for The Agency. The Agency was essentially a protector of the innocents, like cops, except, in Leah’s opinion, better.
“Because Greg told us to? You know how these things go. We get an assignment and we finish the assignment.” Sean was older than her. He had a lot more patience for assignments for things like this. Leah on the other hand, had no patience. Sean chuckled to himself, knowing that there was nothing behind the door. Knowing that this “assignment” was only intended to train her.
“This is stupid.” She responded. She then reached up and pulled off her goggles. The alley way faded away and she was left standing in a blank, white room. She stormed out of the room, giving Sean a vicious look on the way out. She walked into a large, dimly lit room. There were three layers. On each side of the room were computers lined. Up the center of the room was a staircase that led up to a main console. Then, she found Greg.
“Greg, what was the point of that?” She raised her head and shot an angry look. He looked back at her, completely emotionless. He had short brown hair. He was wearing a suit. Black. As usual. She stared back at him. Waiting for a response that she could be satisfied with.
"You failed, as usual." he looked away, bored. "You have so much potential, yet you always manage to fail training, how is this possible? I was attempting to teach you a lesson in patience."
"What do you mean I failed, how could I fail a training exercise where all you do is wait?" Leah was angry. She knew in the back of her mind that she should not be yelling at Greg, but she did so anyway. Nobody else did. Somebody has to yell at him sometime.
"You failed because you did not w--" he suddenly stopped. Leah looked up at him, wondering why he stopped in mid-sentence. She saw his face, it looked frozen. As she started to look around more, she saw that everybody appeared to be frozen.
"Is this your guy's idea of a cruel trick? I took off my goggles, I should be out of the training simulator. Let me out. Now." Leah yelled. she then ran up to Greg and punched him in the face as hard as she could. "How do you like that?" she mumbled.
She started to look around and noticed that everything appeared to be getting colder. She could feel the room temperature changing, getting colder and colder. At this point, Leah was confused whether to be mad, or afraid. Although the training simulator operators sometimes play jokes, this was too much. She wanted this to end.
"I'm done. Let me out. Next time I won't fail my missions." her voice broke on the end, she was beginning to shiver. I want this to stop, she thought. Why isn't anybody stopping this?, she was trying to remain calm. It wasn't working as well as she had hoped.
She looked up at the clock and noticed that it was still ticking. Weird, she thought. I guess everything isn't frozen. She then looked at her wrist watch and saw that it too was ticking. What is going on?
She decided she could do nothing other than wait. So that is what she did. She looked at the clock every five minutes, wondering when this nightmare would end.
Eventually, it did. Leah noticed that it was begging to get warmer, closer to a typical temperature. She stood up and walked back towards the simulator to take off her goggles. Right as she went to take off her goggles, people started to move.
"ait! Ouch!" Greg yelped. Everybody in the room turned back to him. Leah ran up to him. "What did you just do Leah?" he stared at her. His face was not his usual composed, and collected look, but it was now one of anger. "All I'm trying to do is train you, teach you some lessons and you punch me?" he continued, anger coursing through his voice.
"What are you talking about? You guys trapped me in the simulator! I waited for at least an hour for you guys to let me out." she responded quickly. "See just look at the time." she pulled up her watch and saw that it was 3:47. "Well, my clock must be busted, it's showing that its 3:47, when really it should be at least 2:47." Leah sighed, now she had to find a new watch.
"Leah, my clock says 3:47 too, what did you say happened?" Greg asked, looking confused.
"I already told you. You guys were frozen. I waited for at least an hour then it started to get warmer and you all started to move again." Leah started getting angry. "This is not a funny joke."
"Leah, we are not joking with you." Greg sounded steady now. He looked at Leah again. "Leah, coming with me." it was not a question. Leah walked up the steps and followed him into the back, where his office was.
"Explain to me what happened again, please." Greg asked. Leah sighed.
"I was stuck in the simulator for at least an hour. You guys were all frozen." Leah sounded bored now.
"Did you do anything while you were frozen?" Greg asked.
"No."
"You sure?"
"Yes, Greg, I'm sure. Oh. Wait. I did do something."
"And?"
"I punched you in the face." responded Leah, a smile on her face.
"You punched me in the face?"
"Yes."
"Leah, can you stop time?"
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
Posts
